in the absence of anything better....
Since I've got nothing better to put, i thought i'd just put some of my previous work if anyone's bored enough to read it.....
first one is just the intro though...unit is asian studies i took 2 sems ago.....don't really want to put the whole thing here i'm sure u'll understand why...
2nd essay is history....the whole thing is here....2000 words if anyone wants to peruse
1)Can elections in Singapore be labeled unfair and how is the ‘Asian Values’ debate used to justify this and other curtailments of civil and political liberties.
The fairness of elections in Singapore is a topic that has drawn much debate, not least from Singaporeans themselves. The Peoples’ Action Party (PAP) government, under Prime Ministers Lee Kuan Yew, and subsequently Goh Chok Tong and Lee Hsien Loong, has never lost a single election that it has contested since 1955 (George 2000, p. 120). This essay will argue that this state of affairs has come about through a systematic process of intimidation and manipulation of the electoral process by the PAP government. It will focus on certain aspects such as the redrawing of electoral boundaries and the persecution of prominent opposition figures to show this point. This essay will then go on to the debate about ‘Asian values’. It will analyze the strengths and the weaknesses of ‘Asian values’ as a concept, showing how this has been used to justify the rejection of Western notions of liberal democracy, as well as linking this debate to the Singaporean context.
2nd one...
Unrest in China and Government Responses.
The adoption of market reforms in China from the late 1970s has seen the country go through an economic transformation, with ever increasing growth rates and prosperity. However, this spectacular growth has benefited a select few, which has meant that hundreds of millions have been left behind in the country’s drive for wealth.[1] This uneven growth and rising income disparity has caused a marked increase in the level of unrest in the population, with both peasants and workers protesting against the conditions that impede them from breaking out of their cycle of poverty. This essay will firstly examine the reasons and manifestations of this rising unrest, both in the rural and urban sphere. It will then focus on the government responses to this tide of unrest.
The spectre of unrest has been intensifying with the increased exploitation of the workforce. This is especially prevalent in factories set up with foreign capital, and results in an increasingly restive workforce. This dissatisfaction stems from the unbearable conditions that have to be endured while working, such as continuous twelve hour days, controlled toilet breaks and an environment with little or no safety measures.[2] Also, workers are increasingly vocal in their dissatisfaction. This can be seen in the sphere of labour disputes, with the Ministry of Labour and Social Security reporting a general increase in labour disputes within all enterprises.[3] This would point to an increased understanding by workers of their rights and an increasing assertion on their part to correct any injustice inflicted on them by their employers.[4] Thus, instances of labour disputes in China have been rising, fuelled by increasing anger regarding their circumstances as well as a greater awareness of their rights.
This greater awareness on their part is a result of efforts on the part of labour activists who have continuously sought to advance workers’ rights and conditions in China. An example of such an activist would be that of Han Dong Fang, a prominent activist constantly fighting for an improvement in workers’ rights.[5] After being imprisoned for his activities during the 1989 Tiananmen incident, he escaped to Hong Kong, where he set up the China Labour Bulletin, which continues to champion the rights of Chinese workers and to offer them legal advice on taking their grievances to the courts.[6] However, the legal option is not always the most viable in China. Although labour conflicts have increased, the avenues which are available for workers to air their grievances remain limited. For example, there exists Labour Disputes Arbitration Committees, which function as courts mediating in labour conflicts. The numbers of these committees have risen in recent years in response to the increasing number of cases being brought forward to its attention by workers. Nonetheless, these committees are hindered by a lack of enforcement power, and the decisions made by them in favour of workers are often unheeded by employers.[7] As such, mounting labour unrest in China is also a result of labour activists who work towards educating workers of their rights. Yet, arbitration in these disputes has often proven insufficient.
Therefore, the lack of redress available has meant that other more visible options are chosen such as public displays of demonstrations, petitions and sit – down protests. In 2005, the number of “public order disturbances” as shown by official statistics was 87,000, an increase of over six percent on the previous year.[8] This figure is even more striking when compared to those in 1996, in which there were only 12,000 such cases, as shown by Public Security Bureau statistics.[9] The nature of these demonstrations are often peaceful at the beginning, but turn violent after police use force to break up these gatherings which inevitably leads to fighting between protesters and the authorities.[10] Moreover, such actions have become more organised. An example can be found in the events of March 2002, when there were demonstrations by tens of thousands of workers and their sympathisers protesting such complaints as the failure to pay wages and pensions and the loss of benefits among many others. These protests in the cities of Liaoyang, Fushun and Daqing in the north eastern provinces were the first large scale demonstrations to last for weeks rather than days, leading to a report by Human Rights Watch proclaiming these events as a ‘turning point’ in Chinese labour struggles.[11] This dire situation is further evidenced by the fact that the Chinese media has begun to intensify its coverage of such unrest, with newspapers in Hong Kong and mainland China regularly reporting cases of disturbances resulting from labour unrest.[12] This reporting in the state – controlled media is a testament to the prevalence, and the impossibility of ignoring such occurrences. Consequently, workers’ anger have been channelled towards public demonstrations of unrest as a result of frustration over the lack of redress for their problems. These demonstrations are increasingly organised and attract greater coverage from the media, thereby bringing it to the attention of both the central authorities and the public at large.
Furthermore, such unrest has not been confined to urban areas. It is also being seen in rural areas where deep rooted poverty has meant that an estimated seventy percent of the entire rural population is unable to afford medical care, with a quarter unable even to purchase seeds and fertilizer to sow their land.[13] This is exacerbated by unwarranted taxation which peasants face, often as a result of local officials imposing fees and surcharges on top of the stated tax which is declared by the Central Government. Ultimately, the total tax faced by peasants may add up to as much as fifty percent of their meagre incomes.[14] This is made worse by corruption, as a significant share of the tax incomes collected are appropriated by local cadres for their own use to purchase luxurious cars and pay for banquets.[15] These flagrant displays only serve to worsen peasant discontent. The instances where this discontentment has erupted has seen their frustrations being taken out on village cadres in acts of defiance that include the burning down of houses and the destroying of crops.[16] Large scale protests have occurred in rural areas from as early as 1993, when the Hong Kong based newspaper Ming Pao described a ‘rebellion’ being staged by 10,000 peasants in Renshou within Sichuan province as a result of unhappiness over excessive taxation.[17] Hence, unrest in China is not confined within urban areas, it also evident in rural regions, with peasants having their own set of complaints.
The tide of unrest that appears to be sweeping China has prompted the Central Government in Beijing to evaluate its causes and the means of dealing with such open challenges to its authority. Its response so far has appeared to revolve around two approaches. On one hand, it has adopted a soft approach, seeking to alleviate discontent by improving its image. For example in Shenyang, this is done through official campaigns to ‘bring warmth’ to the people, as illustrated with visits to the needy during the Lunar New Year period by the mayor and other officials bringing gifts of foodstuff and money.[18] This attempt to improve its image is further evidenced by the provision of aid to deprived families by Party Organisations such the government – controlled labour union and the Women’s Federation, organisations which were previously involved primarily in political activities.[19] Keeping with this approach, there has been a change of police strategy regarding demonstrations. Instead of focusing on the prevention of such protests, it is now working towards more restrained methods of policing so as to avoid the misappropriate use of force.[20] The government has also sought to undertake reforms to win back support, especially among peasants in rural areas. Its measures include the ending of an age old agricultural tax, the provision of medical care and also free education. This is part of its stated five – year economic program that was implemented this year, whereby rural reform was an explicit goal.[21] Therefore, one response of the government in addressing unrest has been to win back the support of the populace by improving its image and implementing reforms.
The other approach in tackling dissent is harsher in nature. Firstly, this involves the tightening of control over all forms of media so that public access to subversive news is limited. This control includes newspapers, radio and the internet as well. In the past year, newspapers and publications that are considered ‘outspoken’ have been taken out of circulation and its editors and reporters dismissed or imprisoned.[22] Internet websites with unfavourable views against the government have been shut down, with authors of such views tracked and imprisoned. This extends to foreign internet providers, with Yahoo and Google drawing criticism from Western observers for acceding to Chinese government demands that they implement censorship controls.[23] Also, the government has shown little tolerance in dealing with labour activists. Internationally known activists such has Han Dong Fang have been left untouched, but others have not been as fortunate. For example, the China Workers Monitor was set up in 1999 and exposed mismanagement and corruption among state – run enterprises. However its two founders were subsequently arrested and sentenced to two and ten year jail terms.[24] Furthermore, there is a contradiction to the revised methods undertaken by the police as outlined earlier. This seeming relaxation has been countered by moves to build up the security forces, including the police, township militias and local army garrisons, with emphasis placed on the rapid deployment and projection of force to counter any unrest.[25] This can be seen when Chongqing police used brutal force in ending a workers’ demonstration in October 2005, allegedly causing the death of two protestors in the process.[26] Thus, the second approach in dealing with dealing with unrest has been more severe, with tightening controls over the media and continued repression of labour protestors and activists.
The countering of unrest has been made a priority because of fears that continued proliferation of such unrest would ultimately undermine the Communist system and destabilize the country. This fear was expressed as early as the 80s and is still prevalent today as seen in the statements made by government officials.[27] However, the viability of such a scenario is in doubt, as it would mean a sustained, organised campaign incorporating both rural and urban protests. Bernstein states that this is highly unlikely due to the profound tensions between the two spheres hindering any form of cooperation. These differences stem from peasant bitterness from being second class citizens when compared to urban dwellers, as well as the urban populace’s suspicion of rural migrants into the cities.[28] As such, fears of instability have driven the Chinese government to address the problem of unrest, but these fears are largely unfounded.
Therefore, the subject of unrest in China is worth commenting on because of its increasing prevalence. This has stemmed from grievances felt by both workers and peasants, brought upon continued mistreatment and an increasing awareness of their rights. Correspondingly, there have been increasing manifestations of this dissatisfaction, as can be seen in demonstrations, protests and strikes. The government response to this upsurge of unrest has been twofold. Firstly, a concerted effort has been made to restore its support by focusing on improving its battered image and implementing reforms. In contradiction to this, the second approach has involved continuing its repressive tactics by controlling the media and clamping down on dissidents and protests. Finally, the importance attached to this unrest is a result of worries that such disturbances would lead to a weakening of the Communist Party’s control, but these have not been forthcoming.
[1] P. Tyler, ‘Rural Poverty’ in O. Schell & D. Shambaugh, The China Reader: The Reform Era, New York, Vintage Books, 1999, p. 357.
[2] Q. He, ‘A listing social structure’ in C. Wang, One China, Many Paths, London, Verso, 2003, p. 175.
[3] T. Pringle, Industrial Unrest in China – A Labour Movement in the Making?, Asian Labour Update, 2001
[4] T. Pringle, Industrial Unrest in China – A Labour Movement in the Making?,.
[5] Han, Dongfang, The struggle continues: fighting back after Tiananmen, Red Pepper, 2005.
[6] Han, Dongfang, Chinese Labour Struggles, New Left Review, 2005.
[7] Amnesty International, People’s Republic of China: Labour Unrest and the suppression of the rights to freedom of association and expression, Amnesty International, 2002,
[8] Sino Daily, As Unrest Spreads, China Intensifies Control of Media, Sino Daily, 2006.
[9] A. Kernen, ‘Out of Work in the State Sector’ in O. Schell & D. Shambaugh, The China Reader: The Reform Era, New York, Vintage Books, 1999, p. 354.
[10] Amnesty International, People’s Republic of China: Labour Unrest and the suppression of the rights to freedom of association and expression.
[11] Human Rights Watch, Paying the Price: Worker Unrest in Northeast China, Human Rights Watch, 2002.
[12] T. Pringle, Industrial Unrest in China – A Labour Movement in the Making?.
[13] C. Li, ‘The Crisis in the Countryside’ in C. Wang, One China, Many Paths, London, Verso, 2003, pp. 199 – 200.
[14] J.B. Starr, Understanding China: A guide to China’s Economy, History, And Political Structure, New York, Hill and Wang, 1997, p. 127.
[15] J.B. Starr, Understanding China: A guide to China’s Economy, History, And Political Structure, p. 127.
[16] H. Liu, ‘Analysis of “Abrupt Incidents” in Rural Areas’ in L.R. Sullivan, China since Tiananmen: Political, Economic and Social Conflicts, New York, East Gate, 1995, p. 206.
[17] J. Miles, The Legacy of Tiananmen: China in Disarray, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1996, p. 171.
[18] A. Kernen, ‘Out of Work in the State Sector’ in O. Schell & D. Shambaugh, The China Reader: The Reform Era, p. 355.
[19] A. Kernen, ‘Out of Work in the State Sector’ in O. Schell & D. Shambaugh, The China Reader: The Reform Era, p. 355.
[20] M.S. Tanner, ‘China Rethinks Unrest’, The Washington Quarterly, vol. 27, iss. 3, Summer 2004, p. 148.
[21] E. Cody, In Face of Rural Unrest, China Rolls Out Reforms, Washington Foreign Post Service, 2006.
[22] Sino Daily, As Unrest Spreads, China Intensifies Control of Media.
[23] Sino Daily, As Unrest Spreads, China Intensifies Control of Media.
[24] Amnesty International, People’s Republic of China: Labour Unrest and the suppression of the rights to freedom of association and expression.
[25] T.P. Bernstein, Unrest in Rural China: A 2003 Assessment, Centre for the Study of Democracy, 2004, p. 14.
[26] China Labour Bulletin, CLB Calls for Immediate Release of Internet Writer Detained for Publicizing Recent Mass Protests by Chongqing Steel Workers, Mines & Communities Website, 2005.
[27] T.P. Bernstein, Unrest in Rural China: A 2003 Assessment, p. 14.
[28] T.P. Bernstein, Unrest in Rural China: A 2003 Assessment, p. 19.
first one is just the intro though...unit is asian studies i took 2 sems ago.....don't really want to put the whole thing here i'm sure u'll understand why...
2nd essay is history....the whole thing is here....2000 words if anyone wants to peruse
1)Can elections in Singapore be labeled unfair and how is the ‘Asian Values’ debate used to justify this and other curtailments of civil and political liberties.
The fairness of elections in Singapore is a topic that has drawn much debate, not least from Singaporeans themselves. The Peoples’ Action Party (PAP) government, under Prime Ministers Lee Kuan Yew, and subsequently Goh Chok Tong and Lee Hsien Loong, has never lost a single election that it has contested since 1955 (George 2000, p. 120). This essay will argue that this state of affairs has come about through a systematic process of intimidation and manipulation of the electoral process by the PAP government. It will focus on certain aspects such as the redrawing of electoral boundaries and the persecution of prominent opposition figures to show this point. This essay will then go on to the debate about ‘Asian values’. It will analyze the strengths and the weaknesses of ‘Asian values’ as a concept, showing how this has been used to justify the rejection of Western notions of liberal democracy, as well as linking this debate to the Singaporean context.
2nd one...
Unrest in China and Government Responses.
The adoption of market reforms in China from the late 1970s has seen the country go through an economic transformation, with ever increasing growth rates and prosperity. However, this spectacular growth has benefited a select few, which has meant that hundreds of millions have been left behind in the country’s drive for wealth.[1] This uneven growth and rising income disparity has caused a marked increase in the level of unrest in the population, with both peasants and workers protesting against the conditions that impede them from breaking out of their cycle of poverty. This essay will firstly examine the reasons and manifestations of this rising unrest, both in the rural and urban sphere. It will then focus on the government responses to this tide of unrest.
The spectre of unrest has been intensifying with the increased exploitation of the workforce. This is especially prevalent in factories set up with foreign capital, and results in an increasingly restive workforce. This dissatisfaction stems from the unbearable conditions that have to be endured while working, such as continuous twelve hour days, controlled toilet breaks and an environment with little or no safety measures.[2] Also, workers are increasingly vocal in their dissatisfaction. This can be seen in the sphere of labour disputes, with the Ministry of Labour and Social Security reporting a general increase in labour disputes within all enterprises.[3] This would point to an increased understanding by workers of their rights and an increasing assertion on their part to correct any injustice inflicted on them by their employers.[4] Thus, instances of labour disputes in China have been rising, fuelled by increasing anger regarding their circumstances as well as a greater awareness of their rights.
This greater awareness on their part is a result of efforts on the part of labour activists who have continuously sought to advance workers’ rights and conditions in China. An example of such an activist would be that of Han Dong Fang, a prominent activist constantly fighting for an improvement in workers’ rights.[5] After being imprisoned for his activities during the 1989 Tiananmen incident, he escaped to Hong Kong, where he set up the China Labour Bulletin, which continues to champion the rights of Chinese workers and to offer them legal advice on taking their grievances to the courts.[6] However, the legal option is not always the most viable in China. Although labour conflicts have increased, the avenues which are available for workers to air their grievances remain limited. For example, there exists Labour Disputes Arbitration Committees, which function as courts mediating in labour conflicts. The numbers of these committees have risen in recent years in response to the increasing number of cases being brought forward to its attention by workers. Nonetheless, these committees are hindered by a lack of enforcement power, and the decisions made by them in favour of workers are often unheeded by employers.[7] As such, mounting labour unrest in China is also a result of labour activists who work towards educating workers of their rights. Yet, arbitration in these disputes has often proven insufficient.
Therefore, the lack of redress available has meant that other more visible options are chosen such as public displays of demonstrations, petitions and sit – down protests. In 2005, the number of “public order disturbances” as shown by official statistics was 87,000, an increase of over six percent on the previous year.[8] This figure is even more striking when compared to those in 1996, in which there were only 12,000 such cases, as shown by Public Security Bureau statistics.[9] The nature of these demonstrations are often peaceful at the beginning, but turn violent after police use force to break up these gatherings which inevitably leads to fighting between protesters and the authorities.[10] Moreover, such actions have become more organised. An example can be found in the events of March 2002, when there were demonstrations by tens of thousands of workers and their sympathisers protesting such complaints as the failure to pay wages and pensions and the loss of benefits among many others. These protests in the cities of Liaoyang, Fushun and Daqing in the north eastern provinces were the first large scale demonstrations to last for weeks rather than days, leading to a report by Human Rights Watch proclaiming these events as a ‘turning point’ in Chinese labour struggles.[11] This dire situation is further evidenced by the fact that the Chinese media has begun to intensify its coverage of such unrest, with newspapers in Hong Kong and mainland China regularly reporting cases of disturbances resulting from labour unrest.[12] This reporting in the state – controlled media is a testament to the prevalence, and the impossibility of ignoring such occurrences. Consequently, workers’ anger have been channelled towards public demonstrations of unrest as a result of frustration over the lack of redress for their problems. These demonstrations are increasingly organised and attract greater coverage from the media, thereby bringing it to the attention of both the central authorities and the public at large.
Furthermore, such unrest has not been confined to urban areas. It is also being seen in rural areas where deep rooted poverty has meant that an estimated seventy percent of the entire rural population is unable to afford medical care, with a quarter unable even to purchase seeds and fertilizer to sow their land.[13] This is exacerbated by unwarranted taxation which peasants face, often as a result of local officials imposing fees and surcharges on top of the stated tax which is declared by the Central Government. Ultimately, the total tax faced by peasants may add up to as much as fifty percent of their meagre incomes.[14] This is made worse by corruption, as a significant share of the tax incomes collected are appropriated by local cadres for their own use to purchase luxurious cars and pay for banquets.[15] These flagrant displays only serve to worsen peasant discontent. The instances where this discontentment has erupted has seen their frustrations being taken out on village cadres in acts of defiance that include the burning down of houses and the destroying of crops.[16] Large scale protests have occurred in rural areas from as early as 1993, when the Hong Kong based newspaper Ming Pao described a ‘rebellion’ being staged by 10,000 peasants in Renshou within Sichuan province as a result of unhappiness over excessive taxation.[17] Hence, unrest in China is not confined within urban areas, it also evident in rural regions, with peasants having their own set of complaints.
The tide of unrest that appears to be sweeping China has prompted the Central Government in Beijing to evaluate its causes and the means of dealing with such open challenges to its authority. Its response so far has appeared to revolve around two approaches. On one hand, it has adopted a soft approach, seeking to alleviate discontent by improving its image. For example in Shenyang, this is done through official campaigns to ‘bring warmth’ to the people, as illustrated with visits to the needy during the Lunar New Year period by the mayor and other officials bringing gifts of foodstuff and money.[18] This attempt to improve its image is further evidenced by the provision of aid to deprived families by Party Organisations such the government – controlled labour union and the Women’s Federation, organisations which were previously involved primarily in political activities.[19] Keeping with this approach, there has been a change of police strategy regarding demonstrations. Instead of focusing on the prevention of such protests, it is now working towards more restrained methods of policing so as to avoid the misappropriate use of force.[20] The government has also sought to undertake reforms to win back support, especially among peasants in rural areas. Its measures include the ending of an age old agricultural tax, the provision of medical care and also free education. This is part of its stated five – year economic program that was implemented this year, whereby rural reform was an explicit goal.[21] Therefore, one response of the government in addressing unrest has been to win back the support of the populace by improving its image and implementing reforms.
The other approach in tackling dissent is harsher in nature. Firstly, this involves the tightening of control over all forms of media so that public access to subversive news is limited. This control includes newspapers, radio and the internet as well. In the past year, newspapers and publications that are considered ‘outspoken’ have been taken out of circulation and its editors and reporters dismissed or imprisoned.[22] Internet websites with unfavourable views against the government have been shut down, with authors of such views tracked and imprisoned. This extends to foreign internet providers, with Yahoo and Google drawing criticism from Western observers for acceding to Chinese government demands that they implement censorship controls.[23] Also, the government has shown little tolerance in dealing with labour activists. Internationally known activists such has Han Dong Fang have been left untouched, but others have not been as fortunate. For example, the China Workers Monitor was set up in 1999 and exposed mismanagement and corruption among state – run enterprises. However its two founders were subsequently arrested and sentenced to two and ten year jail terms.[24] Furthermore, there is a contradiction to the revised methods undertaken by the police as outlined earlier. This seeming relaxation has been countered by moves to build up the security forces, including the police, township militias and local army garrisons, with emphasis placed on the rapid deployment and projection of force to counter any unrest.[25] This can be seen when Chongqing police used brutal force in ending a workers’ demonstration in October 2005, allegedly causing the death of two protestors in the process.[26] Thus, the second approach in dealing with dealing with unrest has been more severe, with tightening controls over the media and continued repression of labour protestors and activists.
The countering of unrest has been made a priority because of fears that continued proliferation of such unrest would ultimately undermine the Communist system and destabilize the country. This fear was expressed as early as the 80s and is still prevalent today as seen in the statements made by government officials.[27] However, the viability of such a scenario is in doubt, as it would mean a sustained, organised campaign incorporating both rural and urban protests. Bernstein states that this is highly unlikely due to the profound tensions between the two spheres hindering any form of cooperation. These differences stem from peasant bitterness from being second class citizens when compared to urban dwellers, as well as the urban populace’s suspicion of rural migrants into the cities.[28] As such, fears of instability have driven the Chinese government to address the problem of unrest, but these fears are largely unfounded.
Therefore, the subject of unrest in China is worth commenting on because of its increasing prevalence. This has stemmed from grievances felt by both workers and peasants, brought upon continued mistreatment and an increasing awareness of their rights. Correspondingly, there have been increasing manifestations of this dissatisfaction, as can be seen in demonstrations, protests and strikes. The government response to this upsurge of unrest has been twofold. Firstly, a concerted effort has been made to restore its support by focusing on improving its battered image and implementing reforms. In contradiction to this, the second approach has involved continuing its repressive tactics by controlling the media and clamping down on dissidents and protests. Finally, the importance attached to this unrest is a result of worries that such disturbances would lead to a weakening of the Communist Party’s control, but these have not been forthcoming.
[1] P. Tyler, ‘Rural Poverty’ in O. Schell & D. Shambaugh, The China Reader: The Reform Era, New York, Vintage Books, 1999, p. 357.
[2] Q. He, ‘A listing social structure’ in C. Wang, One China, Many Paths, London, Verso, 2003, p. 175.
[3] T. Pringle, Industrial Unrest in China – A Labour Movement in the Making?, Asian Labour Update, 2001
[4] T. Pringle, Industrial Unrest in China – A Labour Movement in the Making?,.
[5] Han, Dongfang, The struggle continues: fighting back after Tiananmen, Red Pepper, 2005.
[6] Han, Dongfang, Chinese Labour Struggles, New Left Review, 2005.
[7] Amnesty International, People’s Republic of China: Labour Unrest and the suppression of the rights to freedom of association and expression, Amnesty International, 2002,
[8] Sino Daily, As Unrest Spreads, China Intensifies Control of Media, Sino Daily, 2006.
[9] A. Kernen, ‘Out of Work in the State Sector’ in O. Schell & D. Shambaugh, The China Reader: The Reform Era, New York, Vintage Books, 1999, p. 354.
[10] Amnesty International, People’s Republic of China: Labour Unrest and the suppression of the rights to freedom of association and expression.
[11] Human Rights Watch, Paying the Price: Worker Unrest in Northeast China, Human Rights Watch, 2002.
[12] T. Pringle, Industrial Unrest in China – A Labour Movement in the Making?.
[13] C. Li, ‘The Crisis in the Countryside’ in C. Wang, One China, Many Paths, London, Verso, 2003, pp. 199 – 200.
[14] J.B. Starr, Understanding China: A guide to China’s Economy, History, And Political Structure, New York, Hill and Wang, 1997, p. 127.
[15] J.B. Starr, Understanding China: A guide to China’s Economy, History, And Political Structure, p. 127.
[16] H. Liu, ‘Analysis of “Abrupt Incidents” in Rural Areas’ in L.R. Sullivan, China since Tiananmen: Political, Economic and Social Conflicts, New York, East Gate, 1995, p. 206.
[17] J. Miles, The Legacy of Tiananmen: China in Disarray, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1996, p. 171.
[18] A. Kernen, ‘Out of Work in the State Sector’ in O. Schell & D. Shambaugh, The China Reader: The Reform Era, p. 355.
[19] A. Kernen, ‘Out of Work in the State Sector’ in O. Schell & D. Shambaugh, The China Reader: The Reform Era, p. 355.
[20] M.S. Tanner, ‘China Rethinks Unrest’, The Washington Quarterly, vol. 27, iss. 3, Summer 2004, p. 148.
[21] E. Cody, In Face of Rural Unrest, China Rolls Out Reforms, Washington Foreign Post Service, 2006.
[22] Sino Daily, As Unrest Spreads, China Intensifies Control of Media.
[23] Sino Daily, As Unrest Spreads, China Intensifies Control of Media.
[24] Amnesty International, People’s Republic of China: Labour Unrest and the suppression of the rights to freedom of association and expression.
[25] T.P. Bernstein, Unrest in Rural China: A 2003 Assessment, Centre for the Study of Democracy, 2004, p. 14.
[26] China Labour Bulletin, CLB Calls for Immediate Release of Internet Writer Detained for Publicizing Recent Mass Protests by Chongqing Steel Workers, Mines & Communities Website, 2005.
[27] T.P. Bernstein, Unrest in Rural China: A 2003 Assessment, p. 14.
[28] T.P. Bernstein, Unrest in Rural China: A 2003 Assessment, p. 19.
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